Source — AITW Ep066 — Revisiting the Capitol; a Declassified Indo-Pacific Strategy; Five Countries; Fresh Ideas for Aussie FP?¶
Episode Metadata¶
| Field | Value |
|---|---|
| Episode number | 66 |
| Title | Revisiting the Capitol; a declassified Indo-Pacific strategy; Five Countries (!), & fresh ideas for Aussie FP? |
| Publication date | 2021-01-22 |
| Recording date | Thursday, 21 January 2021 (day after Biden's inauguration) |
| Guests | None — Allan and Darren only |
| Allan present | Yes |
| Format | Regular news episode — four items plus reading segment |
Summary¶
First regular episode of 2021, recorded the day after Biden's inauguration. Four items: (1) revised assessments of the January 6th Capitol events — both hosts concede they were "too relaxed" in the emergency episode; (2) the Trump administration's declassified Indo-Pacific strategy document — Allan focuses on overclassification of policy documents and the starkness of the language; (3) the "Five Countries" statement — Allan worries about Anglosphere grouping proliferation and Australia losing independent voice; (4) Andrew Clark's AFR piece calling for "fresh thinking" in Australian foreign policy, which names Allan as one of the needed "wise old owls" — Allan responds with characteristic self-deprecating wit and then makes a substantive argument about the constriction of Australian foreign policy to defence-and-China.
Biographical significance: Allan is publicly identified in the AFR as "former ONA boss Allan Gyngell" — confirming external press recognition of the ONA DG role. He is also in the middle of book research, having read the Morrison/Payne speeches, Malcolm Turnbull's A Bigger Picture, and Christopher Pyne's The Insider for the new Fear of Abandonment chapter.
Key Quotations¶
"We were too relaxed about it" — self-correction on Capitol events¶
"I think in retrospect, we were too relaxed about it and that we saw it too much through those wacky Americans sort of lens... as more video and information comes out, it's looking more dangerous to me now than it did then."
— [00:02:29.780 --> 00:03:26.820]
Rare explicit self-correction — he revises his own on-air position from two weeks earlier. The phrase "wacky Americans lens" is important: it names the cognitive error precisely. Both he and Darren were filtering the events through a comfortable framing (American exceptionalism in the negative sense) that underweighted the genuine structural threat. He also adds a sharpened critique of Morrison: Morrison's passive voice in describing events — "the things that were said" rather than "the things that the President said" — was "artificially straining for ways of avoiding naming or blaming Trump." The passive voice as diplomatic evasion is a precise observation from someone who has drafted language professionally for fifty years.
Overclassification of policy documents — the declassification surprise¶
"It did show how a lot of documents classified at a very high level could, with only a few minimal changes, be put out into the public domain without terrifying, catastrophic implications. And I think that that knowledge would cause a certain amount of nervousness among former colleagues in Canberra. It is a reminder of overclassification of lots of policy documents. I'm not talking about intelligence, but policy documents in government."
— [00:09:55.700 --> 00:11:06.740]
The analytical payload is not in the content of the Trump Indo-Pacific strategy but in what the fact of its declassification reveals: policy documents — as distinct from intelligence material — are routinely over-classified. The declassification shows that a document stamped at the highest levels, unchanged, can be released without compromising sources, methods, or operations. Allan distinguishes precisely: intelligence = properly classified; policy = often over-classified by default. This is the observation of someone who has sat on both sides of the classification system — drafting policy documents and managing intelligence. The "certain amount of nervousness among former colleagues" is a practitioner's inside reading of how Canberra would receive this lesson.
"You know you're getting past it when they put you into the wise old owl category"¶
"Oh, God, how embarrassing. You know you're getting past it when they put you into the wise old owl category. I mean, it's just appalling that it should come to this. No, Darren, I'm not the solution and neither is any other individual. But public debate and contestability, that's a good thing."
— [00:24:30.540 --> 00:26:03.640]
The Andrew Clark AFR piece described Allan as one of the "wise old owls with long experience of both global superpowers" needed for a new advisory forum. Darren presses the joke by calling him "Australia's preeminent wise old owl." Allan's response is a perfect specimen of the self-deprecating mode: "It's just appalling that it should come to this" is genuinely funny and entirely controlled. He then immediately redirects to the substantive argument — public debate and contestability matter, not any individual. The "wise old owl" category is something he occupies without identifying with; it is an external label that he wears ironically.
Foreign policy as a subset of defence policy — "that's part of our problem"¶
"It was interesting to see how quickly your discussion, your comments about what you begin by describing as the Australian foreign policy debate turned into a strategic policy debate, submarines, icing decisions, joint exercises. And that's part of our problem, the way we now think about foreign policy as a subset of defence policy rather than as an adjacent element of statecraft. Over the past four years, it seems to me the scope of Australian foreign policy has become increasingly constricted."
— [00:32:37.380 --> 00:35:51.780]
Allan catches Darren in the act of doing exactly what he is critiquing. Darren's response to the "fresh thinking" question slides rapidly into submarines, joint exercises, the Cocos Islands — defence options. Allan names this as a symptom of the structural problem: the debate has migrated from foreign policy (managing relationships, advancing interests through all instruments) into defence policy (military posture, deterrence, alliance configuration). The constriction is documented: "China and the US must have taken up well over 50% of their time in the last 65 episodes." He offers three alternative questions that have gone unasked: rethinking multilateralism; accessing European influence post-Brexit; meaningfully re-engaging Southeast Asia as a partner rather than "an accidental neighbor." Each of these is a genuine foreign policy question that has been crowded out by the China-US frame.
Turnbull and Pyne memoir verdicts — research for the book¶
"I did finally read Malcolm Turnbull's memoir, A Bigger Picture, and Christopher Pyne's The Insider for this purpose, and of the two, I have to say that Turnbull's at least has the saving grace of some serious content, however much its glory is in its own hero. Look, I'm afraid to say this, but it really does appear to have been put together in a blender."
— [00:37:36.380 --> 00:38:22.420]
He reads the Morrison/Payne speeches and coalition memoirs not as recreation but as primary sources for the new Fear of Abandonment chapter covering 2016–2020. This is the book-research process made visible. His verdicts are characteristically two-sided: Turnbull's memoir — "the saving grace of some serious content, however much its glory is in its own hero" — is a complete assessment in one clause. He is acknowledging the self-serving character of the memoir while conceding that something substantive survives. Pyne's "put together in a blender" — no saving grace offered. The phrase itself was used by Darren (or is it Allan's? it's ambiguous in the transcript); either way Allan endorses it. His reluctance to recommend either ("I'm afraid to say this") is genuine — he would prefer to have something better to report from his research.
Biographical Fragments¶
Book research: reading Morrison/Payne speeches, Turnbull and Pyne memoirs¶
Evidence: Ep066 [00:37:36.380 --> 00:38:22.420]. Directly stated. Confidence: High.
In writing the new chapter for the updated Fear of Abandonment edition, Allan has been working through the primary source record of the 2016–2020 period: the "collected speeches of Scott Morrison and Marise Payne" (described as "not fun recreational reading for the summer"), Malcolm Turnbull's A Bigger Picture, and Christopher Pyne's The Insider. This confirms the research process for the new chapter is systematic — he is treating the politicians' own accounts as primary sources, regardless of their literary quality. His assessment: Turnbull "at least has the saving grace of some serious content, however much its glory is in its own hero"; Pyne "appears to have been put together in a blender."
"Former ONA boss Allan Gyngell" — confirmed in external press¶
Evidence: Ep066 [00:24:30.540]. Andrew Clark's AFR piece, as quoted by Darren: "former ONA boss Allan Gyngell." Confidence: High (third-party press attribution, unchallenged by Allan).
The AFR publicly identifies Allan as the former head of the Office of National Assessments. Allan does not correct or qualify this identification. This is the first confirmed external press use of the ONA DG label in the corpus (earlier confirmations were internal to the podcast: Darren's "the agency you used to lead," Ep019; Allan's own first-person statements, Ep024, Ep035, Ep041). The press identification also establishes that this is part of his public identity by 2021 — it is the credential the AFR attaches to him in the context of a foreign policy advisory debate.
Style and Method Evidence¶
- Self-correction as analytical discipline: His explicit revision of the January 6th assessment — "we were too relaxed about it" — is characteristic intellectual honesty. He does not defend his prior position; he identifies the cognitive error (the "wacky Americans lens") and corrects it.
- The passive voice as evasion: His critique of Morrison's "the things that were said" is a diplomat's reading of language. He has drafted enough official statements to know exactly what the passive voice does: it attributes without naming. He identifies this as "artificially straining" rather than as diplomatic restraint.
- Catching Darren in the structural problem: His observation that Darren's "fresh thinking" examples immediately slide into defence topics is a meta-analytical move — he demonstrates the constriction argument by watching it happen in real time in the conversation.
- Amanda Gorman: "If you wanted an emergency injection of hope for the United States, you just need to look at that 22-year-old Amanda Gorman reciting her poem, 'The Hill We Climb'" — one of the few moments in the corpus where he responds to a poetic performance with evident emotional warmth.
Reading / Listening Segment¶
Malcolm Turnbull — A Bigger Picture (Hardie Grant, 2020); Christopher Pyne — The Insider (Scribe, 2018)¶
Context: Not recommended as recreational reading — Allan discloses he read both as primary source material for the Fear of Abandonment update. He frames them explicitly as research rather than reading for pleasure. Allan's verdict: - Turnbull: "at least has the saving grace of some serious content, however much its glory is in its own hero" - Pyne: "appears to have been put together in a blender"
The contrast reveals a consistent standard: serious content can partially redeem self-aggrandisement (Turnbull), but the absence of serious content combined with poor structure is irredeemable (Pyne). The "blender" image is precise: not just disorganised but stripped of distinct texture. He reads both not as political science but as evidence about the 2016–2020 period he is trying to synthesise.
Open Questions¶
- The "fresh thinking" debate outcome: Allan names three underdiscussed foreign policy questions — multilateralism reform, European engagement post-Brexit, and Southeast Asia re-engagement. Did the updated Fear of Abandonment chapter address any of these? Are they developed in later episodes?
- New Zealand's Hong Kong abstention: Allan notes New Zealand did not join the four-eyes statement on the Hong Kong arrests (Nanaia Mahuta as FM — "maybe she was on holiday, but I suspect they decided they didn't want to go in jointly on this"). This is an early signal of NZ-Australia divergence on China statements that became a recurring pattern. Does Allan track it further?
- Overclassification argument: Allan says the declassification shows that policy documents "could with only a few minimal changes be put out into the public domain without terrifying, catastrophic implications." Is this a position he advocates explicitly elsewhere in the corpus — an argument for greater transparency in Australian government policy documents?